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No Way Out: Can We Still Save Afghan Women?

By Ellie Wang


Summary
In Afghanistan’s current political climate tainted by the Taliban’s perverted interpretation of sharia law, violations of women’s rights are a crisis that cannot be resolved. The UN must be urged to negotiate safe passage for Afghan women out of the country with neighboring countries, and developed countries must increase their refugee quotas that prioritize these women.

Only allowed to show their eyes. Banned from working outside the home. Denied education. Barred from political participation. Abused. Raped. This dystopian hellscape is a day-to-day reality for women and girls living in Afghanistan. But it wasn’t always like this.


When the United States invasion of Afghanistan began in October of 2001, Afghan women saw a glimmer of hope. The establishment of a Western-style democratic government meant that for the first time, women were allowed to participate in society. The US and NATO’s mission to rebuild the failed state granted women rights to education and work while constructing public facilities and promoting independent media.

The US and NATO’s mission to rebuild the failed state granted women rights to education and work while constructing public facilities and promoting independent media.

From 2002 to 2020, the US government spent over 787 million USD to support Afghan women and girls through education and empowerment programs. During this time, the life expectancy of a woman increased by 10 years, maternal death rates were cut in half, over 50% of girls went to primary school, over 44,000 Afghan women went to public universities, and nearly 30 percent of the Afghan Parliament were women.


However, this blissful chapter of progress came to an abrupt end in August of 2021. Upon the US withdrawal of forces from Afghanistan, the Taliban came back into power and overthrew the US-backed government. Suddenly, the violence and oppression that had characterized their internationally infamous reign from 1996 to 2001 made a devastating comeback, annihilating decades of work toward gender equality.

Suddenly, the violence and oppression that had characterized their internationally infamous reign from 1996 to 2001 made a devastating comeback.

The conditions in Afghanistan were compounded by other crises happening concurrently such as prices of goods skyrocketing, a liquidity crisis, and cash shortages triggered by former donor countries withdrawing aid, which rendered the population unable to access food, water, shelter, and health care. Additionally, Afghanistan’s history of reliance on Western colonial powers could not be more detrimental to its female citizens because the sudden cutoff meant that the women and girls were left to suffer the fallout of withdrawal alone.

The sudden cutoff meant that the women and girls were left to suffer the fallout of withdrawal alone.

To be fair, most countries have gender inequality issues, for women are typically seen as a weaker, marginalized group. Even Iceland, the world’s “safest place to be a woman,” still struggles with disproportionate domestic abuse and sexual violence against women. Women are also targeted during conflicts with rape used as a weapon of war; such is the case for Afghanistan but also the Nanjing Massacre, the Holocaust, the Balkan War, the Rwandan genocide, and more. However, the situation in Afghanistan is arguably the worst possible scenario for women during times of relative peace.


Although this human rights crisis cannot currently be equated with genocide, the treatment of Afghan women alarmingly aligns with stages 1, 2, and 3, classification, symbolization, and discrimination, respectively, of the 10 Stages of Genocide. It’s important to note that just because states exhibit certain elements of the stages, it doesn’t mean that crimes against humanity or genocidal acts are being committed within their borders. Rather, noticing these stages can help prevent future violations of human rights. Additionally, these stages are usually applied to racial or ethnic groups, not gender.

The treatment of Afghan women alarmingly aligns with stages 1, 2, and 3, classification, symbolization, and discrimination, respectively, of the 10 Stages of Genocide.

Classification occurs when states clearly define and differentiate groups among their citizens. From a gender perspective, most countries classify citizens as either male or female with each gender having different social expectations and responsibilities. That said, Afghanistan does serve as an extreme example of forcing differences between men and women, especially surrounding rights.


Symbolization involves using names or symbols to make a group easily recognizable. Women naturally look different than men do, but Afghanistan again takes this to the extreme and enforces strict dress codes upon women. When leaving the home, Afghan women must cover up every part of their body except for their eyes, making their gender instantly identifiable.


Discrimination is the most admonitory stage present in the Taliban’s treatment of Afghan women, and it entails the group in power restricting the rights of the powerless group through customs, laws, and other, usually political, means. Considering that women and girls are being violated and denied fundamental human rights, discrimination is a blatant cautionary sign for the international community to become more involved.

Considering that women and girls are being violated and denied fundamental human rights, discrimination is a blatant cautionary sign for the international community to become more involved.

Donor countries have pledged 1.2 billion USD to aid humanitarian efforts in Afghanistan. Although this sounds great on paper, only 63% of the 2018-2021 Afghanistan Humanitarian Response Plan pledge has actually been fulfilled, the 2021 Flash Appeal has a dismal 22% coverage, and only 3% of this funding was dedicated to gender-based violence. Additionally, more than 150 NGOs operated in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover in 2021, but 75% report that their efforts have been restricted by the Taliban, and over 50% have already discontinued operations in the state. It’s painfully obvious that current international initiatives and aid aren’t effective in helping reclaim the rights of Afghan women.


In Afghanistan’s current political climate tainted by the Taliban’s perverted interpretation of sharia law, violations of women’s rights are a crisis that cannot be resolved.


The UN must be urged to negotiate safe passage for Afghan women out of the country with neighboring countries, and developed countries must increase their refugee quotas that prioritize these women. Furthermore, resettlement and assistance programs must be set up or bolstered in the countries accepting refugees. Only then can Afghan women obtain the rights they were denied in their own country and take back the opportunities they deserve.

Only then can Afghan women obtain the rights they were denied in their own country and take back the opportunities they deserve.

We live in a woeful reality in which the only way that Afghan women and girls can show their eyes, work outside the home, become educated, participate in politics, be protected from rape, or escape from abuse is by fleeing their homes. Thus, if we do not help them now, their futures and their daughters’ futures will never change.



Works Cited


Allen, John R., and Vanda Felbab-Brown. "The Fate of Women’s Rights in Afghanistan." The Brookings Institution, 4 Mar. 2021, www.brookings.edu/essay/the-fate-of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan/.

Cone, Devon. "Afghan Women and Girls Under Immediate Threat: The Responsibility to Protect and Assist Is Just Beginning — Refugees International." Refugees International, 5 Nov. 2021, www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2021/10/5/afghan-women-and-girls- under-immediate-threat-the-responsibility-to-protect-and-assist-is-just-beginning.

Facing History and Ourselves. "Rape As a Weapon of War." Facing History and Ourselves, www.facinghistory.org/nanjing-atrocities/judgment-memory-legacy/rape-weapon-war. Accessed 28 July 2022.

Feldmeth, Greg. Crimes Against Humanity. Polytechnic School, 2019, faculty.polytechnic.org/gfeldmeth/cah19.pdf.

Fitzgerald, Christopher. "Assessing the International Community's Obligation to Protect the Human Rights of Afghans." E-International Relations, 5 Dec. 2021, www.e-ir.info/2021/12/05/assessing-the-international-communitys-obligation- to-protect-the-human-rights-of-afghans/.

History.com Editors. "U.S.-led Attack on Afghanistan Begins." HISTORY, 20 July 2010, www.history.com/this-day-in-history/u-s-led-attack-on-afghanistan-begins.

Human Rights Watch. "Afghanistan: Taliban Deprive Women of Livelihoods, Identity." Human Rights Watch, 18 Jan. 2022, www.hrw.org/news/2022/01/18/afghanistan-taliban- deprive-women-livelihoods-identity.

---. "Call for Urgent Debate on the Women’s Rights Crisis in Afghanistan at the 50th Session of the UN Human Rights Council." Human Rights Watch, 1 June 2022, www.hrw.org/news/2022/06/01/call-urgent-debate-womens-rights- crisis-afghanistan-50th-session-un-human-rights.

Medica Mondiale. "Eight Facts on Women's Rights in Afghanistan." Medica Mondiale E.V, 2022, medicamondiale.org/en/where-we-empower-women/afghanistan.

Mosadiq, Horia, and Lisa Toremark. "Women’s Rights Under Threat in Taliban-run Afghanistan." Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank, 10 June 2022, www.chathamhouse.org/2022/06/womens-rights-under-threat -taliban-run-afghanistan.

Olomi, Ali A. "The U.S. replicated crucial flaws from the past in Afghanistan." The Washington Post, 17 Aug. 2021, www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2021/08/17/us-replicated- crucial-flaws-past-afghanistan/.

Zucchino, David. "The U.S. War in Afghanistan: How It Started, and How It Ended." The New York Times - Breaking News, US News, World News and Videos, 7 Oct. 2021, www.nytimes.com/article/afghanistan-war-us.html.


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